Seldsjukkriket

Seldsjukkriket, eller Det store seldsjukkriket,Axner Ims, Gunvald. (2015, 29. desember). Seldsjukkriket I Anatolia. I Store norske leksikon. Hentet 26. november 2016 fra https://snl.no/Seldsjukkriket_i_Anatolia. var et tyrkisk-persisk sunnimuslimsk rike i middelalderen,* «Aḥmad of Niǧde's al-Walad al-Shafīq and the Seljuk Past», A. C. S. Peacock, Anatolian Studies, Vol. 54, (2004), s. 97; Sitat: «With the growth of Seljuk power in Rum, a more highly developed Muslim cultural life, based on the Persianate culture of the Great Seljuk court, was able to take root in Anatolia.» Meisami, Julie Scott: Persian Historiography to the End of the Twelfth Century. Edinburgh University Press (1999), s. 143; «Nizam al-Mulk also attempted to organise the Saljuq administration according to the Persianate Ghaznavid model...» Encyclopaedia Iranica, «Šahrbānu», Online Edition: «... here one might bear in mind that non-Persian dynasties such as the Ghaznavids, Saljuqs and Ilkhanids were rapidly to adopt the Persian language and have their origins traced back to the ancient kings of Persia rather than to Turkmen heroes or Muslim saints ...» Josef W. Meri, Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia, Routledge, 2005, s. 399 Michael Mandelbaum, Central Asia and the World, Council on Foreign Relations (mai 1994), s. 79 Jonathan Dewald, Europe 1450 to 1789: Encyclopedia of the Early Modern World, Charles Scribner's Sons, 2004, s. 24: «Turcoman armies coming from the East had driven the Byzantines out of much of Asia Minor and established the Persianized sultanate of the Seljuks.» Grousset, Rene: The Empire of the Steppes, Rutgers University Press (1991), s. 161 & 164; «renewed the Seljuk attempt to found a great Turko-Persian empire in eastern Iran." "It is to be noted that the Seljuks, those Turkomans who became sultans of Persia, did not Turkify Persia-no doubt because they did not wish to do so. On the contrary, it was they who voluntarily became Persians and who, in the manner of the great old Sassanid kings, strove to protect the Iranian populations from the plundering of Ghuzz bands and save Iranian culture from the Turkoman menace.» Shaw, Wendy M. K.: Possessors and possessed: museums, archaeology, and the visualization of history in the late Ottoman Empire; Utgitt av University of California Press (2003), ISBN 0520233352, ISBN 9780520233355; s. 5. med opphav i Kınık-grenen av oghuz-tyrkerne.* Bosworth, C. E. (2001). Notes on Some Turkish Names in Abu 'l-Fadl Bayhaqi's Tarikh-i Mas'udi. Oriens, bind 36 (2001), s. 299–313. Dani, A. H., Masson, V. M. (Eds), Asimova, M. S. (Eds), Litvinsky, B. A. (Eds), Boaworth, C. E. (Eds). (1999). History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers (Pvt. Ltd). Hancock, I. (2006). ON ROMANI ORIGINS AND IDENTITY. The Romani Archives and Documentation Center. The University of Texas at Austin. Asimov, M. S., Bosworth, C. E. (eds.). (1998). History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. IV: The Age of Achievement: AD 750 to the End of the Fifteenth Century, Part One: The Historical, Social and Economic Setting. Multiple History Series. Paris: UNESCO Publishing. Dani, A. H., Masson, V. M. (Eds), Asimova, M. S. (Eds), Litvinsky, B. A. (Eds), Boaworth, C. E. (Eds). (1999). History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers (Pvt. Ltd). Seldsjukkriket kontrollerte et vidstrakt område, fra Hindu Kush i øst til det østre Lilleasia i vest, og fra Sentral-Asia i nord til Den persiske bukt i syd. Fra sitt hjemland nær Aralsjøen vandret først seldsjukkene inn i Khorasan, før de fortsatte videre inn i Persia, og til slutt erobret det østre Lilleasia.

Seldsjukkriket ble grunnlagt av Toghril beg (1016–63) in 1037. Toghril ble oppfostret av sin farfar, Seldsjukk beg, som hadde en høytstående posisjon i Oğuz Yabgu-riket. Seldsjukk gav sitt navn både til seldsjukkriket og seldsjukkdynastiet. Seldsjukkene forente den fragmenterte politiske scene i den østre delen av den islamske verden, og spilte en nøkkelrolle i både det første og det andre korstog. Med en meget persifisert* Encyclopaedia Iranica, «Šahrbānu», Online Edition: «... here one might bear in mind that non-Persian dynasties such as the Ghaznavids, Saljuqs and Ilkhanids were rapidly to adopt the Persian language and have their origins traced back to the ancient kings of Persia rather than to Turkmen heroes or Muslim saints ...» Josef W. Meri, «Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia», Routledge, 2005, s. 399 Michael Mandelbaum, «Central Asia and the World», Council on Foreign Relations (May 1994), s. 79 Jonathan Dewald, «Europe 1450 to 1789: Encyclopedia of the Early Modern World», Charles Scribner's Sons, 2004, s. 24: «Turcoman armies coming from the East had driven the Byzantines out of much of Asia Minor and established the Persianized sultanate of the Seljuks.» kultur* C.E. Bosworth, «Turkmen Expansion towards the west» in UNESCO History of Humanity, Volume IV, titled «From the Seventh to the Sixteenth Century», UNESCO Publishing/Routledge, s. 391: «While the Arabic language retained its primacy in such spheres as law, theology and science, the culture of the Seljuk court and secular literature within the sultanate became largely Persianized; this is seen in the early adoption of Persian epic names by the Seljuk rulers (Qubād, Kay Khusraw and so on) and in the use of Persian as a literary language (Turkmen must have been essentially a vehicle for everyday speech at this time). The process of Persianization accelerated in the thirteenth century with the presence in Konya of two of the most distinguished refugees fleeing before the Mongols, Bahā' al-Dīn Walad and his son Mawlānā Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī, whose Mathnawī, composed in Konya, constitutes one of the crowning glories of classical Persian literature.» Mehmed Fuad Köprülü, «Early Mystics in Turkish Literature», oversatt av Gary Leiser og Robert Dankoff, Routledge (2006) sitat s. 149: «If we wish to sketch, in broad outline, the civilization created by the Seljuks of Anatolia, we must recognize that the local—i.e., non-Muslim, element was fairly insignificant compared to the Turkish and Arab-Persian elements, and that the Persian element was paramount. The Seljuk rulers, to be sure, who were in contact with not only Muslim Persian civilization, but also with the Arab civilizations in al-jazlra and Syria—indeed, with all Muslim peoples as far as India—also had connections with [various] Byzantine courts. Some of these rulers, like the great 'Ala' al-Dln Kai-Qubad I himself, who married Byzantine princesses and thus strengthened relations with their neighbors to the west, lived for many years in Byzantium and became very familiar with the customs and ceremonial at the Byzantine court. Still, this close contact with the ancient Greco-Roman and Christian traditions only resulted in their adoption of a policy of tolerance toward art, aesthetic life, painting, music, independent thought—in short, toward those things that were frowned upon by the narrow and piously ascetic views [of their subjects]. The contact of the common people with the Greeks and Armenians had basically the same result. [Before coming to Anatolia,] the Turkmens had been in contact with many nations and had long shown their ability to synthesize the artistic elements that thev had adopted from these nations. When they settled in Anatolia, they encountered peoples with whom they had not yet been in contact and immediately established relations with them as well. Ala al-Din Kai-Qubad I established ties with the Genoese and, especially, the Venetians at the ports of Sinop and Antalya, which belonged to him, and granted them commercial and legal concessions. Meanwhile, the Mongol invasion, which caused a great number of scholars and artisans to flee from Turkmenistan, Iran, and Khwarazm and settle within the Empire of the Seljuks of Anatolia, resulted in a reinforcing of Persian influence on the Anatolian Turks. Indeed, despite all claims to the contrary, there is no question that Persian influence was paramount among the Seljuks of Anatolia. This is clearly revealed by the fact that the sultans who ascended the throne after Ghiyath al-Din Kai-Khusraw I assumed titles taken from ancient Persian mythology, like Kai-Khusraw, Kai-Ka us, and Kai-Qubad; and that. Ala' al-Din Kai-Qubad I had some passages from the Shahname inscribed on the walls of Konya and Sivas. When we take into consideration domestic life in the Konya courts and the sincerity of the favor and attachment of the rulers to Persian poets and Persian literature, then this fact [i.e., the importance of Persian influence] is undeniable. With- regard to the private lives of the rulers, their amusements, and palace ceremonial, the most definite influence was also that of Iran, mixed with the early Turkish traditions, and not that of Byzantium.» Stephen P. Blake, Shahjahanabad: The Sovereign City in Mughal India, 1639–1739. Cambridge University Press (1991). s. 123: «For the Seljuks and Il-Khanids in Iran it was the rulers rather than the conquered who were "Persianized and Islamicized» og språk,* Encyclopaedia Iranica, «Šahrbānu», Online Edition: «... here one might bear in mind that non-Persian dynasties such as the Ghaznavids, Saljuqs and Ilkhanids were rapidly to adopt the Persian language and have their origins traced back to the ancient kings of Persia rather than to Turkmen heroes or Muslim saints ...» O. Özgündenli, «Persian Manuscripts in Ottoman and Modern Turkish Libraries », Encyclopaedia Iranica, Online Edition Encyclopædia Britannica, «Seljuq», Online Edition: «... Because the Turkish Seljuqs had no Islamic tradition or strong literary heritage of their own, they adopted the cultural language of their Persian instructors in Islam. Literary Persian thus spread to the whole of Iran, and the Arabic language disappeared in that country except in works of religious scholarship ...» M. Ravandi, «The Seljuq court at Konya and the Persianisation of Anatolian Cities», i Mesogeios (Mediterranean Studies), vol. 25–26 (2005), s. 157–69 F. Daftary, «Sectarian and National Movements in Iran, Khorasan, and Trasoxania during Umayyad and Early Abbasid Times», i History of Civilizations of Central Asia, bind 4, del 1; redigert av M. S. Asimov og C. E. Bosworth; UNESCO Publishing, Institute of Ismaili Studies: «... Not only did the inhabitants of Khurasan not succumb to the language of the nomadic invaders, but they imposed their own tongue on them. The region could even assimilate the Turkic Ghaznavids and Seljuks (eleventh and twelfth centuries), the Timurids (fourteenth–fifteenth centuries), and the Qajars (nineteenth–twentieth centuries) ...» spilte også seldsjukkene en viktig rolle i utviklingen av den tyrkisk-persiske tradisjon,«The Turko-Persian tradition features Persian culture patronized by Turkic rulers.» Se Daniel Pipes: «The Event of Our Era: Former Soviet Muslim Republics Change the Middle East» in Michael Mandelbaum, «Central Asia and the World: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkemenistan and the World», Council on Foreign Relations, s. 79. Sitat: «In Short, the Turko-Persian tradition featured Persian culture patronized by Turcophone rulers.» og medførte også eksporteringen av persisk kultur til Lilleasia.Grousset, Rene, The Empire of the Steppes, Rutgers University Press, (1991), s. 574.Bingham, Woodbridge, Hilary Conroy og Frank William Iklé, History of Asia, Vol. 1. Allyn & Bacon (1964), s. 98. Bosetningen av tyrkiske stammer i de nordvestre perifere delene av riket, grunnet strategiske militære behov for å bekjempe invasjoner fra nabostater, førte til den gradvise tyrkifiseringen av de områdene.An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples (Peter B. Golden. Otto Harrasowitz, 1992). s. 386: