Изгнание албанцев в 1877—1878 годах () представляло собой насильственную миграцию албанского населения с территорий, включённых в состав княжеств Сербия и Черногория в 1878 году. Войны с этими государственными образованиями, как и более масштабная Русско-турецкая война 1877—1878, закончились поражением и существенными территориальными потерями для Османской империи, что было официально зафиксировано в ходе Берлинского конгресса. Изгнание албанцев было частью более широкого процесса преследования мусульман на Балканах во время политического упадка Османской империи.
Накануне конфликта между Черногорией и османами (1876—1878) значительное количество албанского населения проживало в Шкодринском санджаке. «Meanwhile Austria-Hungary’s occupation of Bosnia-Hercegovina, which had been conceded at the congress, acted as a block to Montenegrins territorial ambitions in Hercegovina, whose Orthodox Slav inhabitants were culturally close to the Montenegrins. Instead Montenegro was able to expand only to the south and east into lands populated largely by Albanians — both Muslims and Catholics — and Slav Muslims. Along the coast in the vicinity of Ulcinj the almost exclusively Albanian population was largely Muslim. The areas to the south and east of Podgorica were inhabited by Albanians from the predominantly Catholic tribes, while further to the east there were also concentrations of Slav Muslims. Podgorica itself had long been an Ottoman trading centre with a partly Turkish, but largely Slav Muslim and Albanian population. To incorporate such a population was to dilute the number of Montenegrins, whose first loyalties lay with the Montenegrin state and Petrović dynasty, not that this was seen as sufficient reason for the Montenegrins to desist from seeking to obtain further territory.»; p.23 «It was only in 1880 after further fighting with local Albanians that the Montenegrins gained an additional 45 km, stretch of seaboard extending from just north of Bar- down to Ulcinj. But even after the Congress of Berlin and these later adjustments, certain parts of the Montenegrin frontier continued to be disputed by Albanian tribes which were strongly opposed to rule by Montenegro. Raiding and feuding took place along the whole length of the porous Montenegrin-Albanian border.». В последовавшей Черногорско-османской войне сильное сопротивление черногорским войскам в городах Подгорица и Спуж стало причиной изгнания их албанского и славянского мусульманского населения, которое переселилось в Шкодер. «What one sees over the course of the first ten years after Berlin was a gradual process of Montenegrin (Slav) expansion into areas that were still exclusively populated by Albanian-speakers. In many ways, some of these affected communities represented extensions of those in the Malisorë as they traded with one another throughout the year and even inter-married. Cetinje, eager to sustain some sense of territorial and cultural continuity, began to monitor these territories more closely, impose customs officials in the villages, and garrison troops along the frontiers. This was possible because, by the late 1880s, Cetinje had received large numbers of migrant Slavs from Austrian-occupied Herzegovina, helping to shift the balance of local power in Cetinje’s favor. As more migrants arrived, what had been a quiet boundary region for the first few years, became the center of colonization and forced expulsion.»; p.254. footnote 38. «It must be noted that, throughout the second half of 1878 and the first two months of 1879, the majority of Albanian-speaking residents of Shpuza and Podgoritza, also ceded to Montenegro by Berlin, were resisting en masse. The result of the transfer of Podgoritza (and Antivari on the coast) was a flood of refugees. See, for instance, AQSH E143.D.1054.f.1 for a letter (dated 12 May 1879) to Dervish Pasha, military commander in Işkodra, detailing the flight of Muslims and Catholics from Podgoritza.».
До османо-сербского конфликта 1876—1878 годов значительное, местами компактное и преимущественно сельское албанское население наряду с некоторым количеством турок проживало с сербами в санджаке Ниш. На протяжении всей войны албанское население в зависимости от района по-разному реагировало на прибывавшие в них сербские силы, либо оказывая им сопротивление, либо убегая в близлежащие горы или османское Косово. Хотя большинство этого албанского населения было изгнано сербскими войсками, небольшому его количеству было разрешено остаться в долине Ябланица, где и поныне проживают их потомки. «As these Niš refugees waited for acknowledgment from locals, they took measures to ensure that they were properly accommodated by often confiscating food stored in towns. They also simply appropriated lands and began to build shelter on them. A number of cases also point to banditry in the form of livestock raiding and „illegal“ hunting in communal forests, all parts of refugees' repertoire… At this early stage of the crisis, such actions overwhelmed the Ottoman state, with the institution least capable of addressing these issues being the newly created Muhacirin Müdüriyeti… Ignored in the scholarship, these acts of survival by desperate refugees constituted a serious threat to the established Kosovar communities. The leaders of these communities thus spent considerable efforts lobbying the Sultan to do something about the refugees. While these Niš muhacirs would in some ways integrate into the larger regional context, as evidenced later, they, and a number of other Albanian-speaking refugees streaming in for the next 20 years from Montenegro and Serbia, constituted a strong opposition block to the Sultan’s rule.»; p.53. "One can observe that in strategically important areas, the new Serbian state purposefully left the old Ottoman laws intact. More important, when the state wished to enforce its authority, officials felt it necessary to seek the assistance of those with some experience, using the old Ottoman administrative codes to assist judges make rulings. There still remained, however, the problem of the region being largely depopulated as a consequence of the wars… Belgrade needed these people, mostly the landowners of the productive farmlands surrounding these towns, back. In subsequent attempts to lure these economically vital people back, while paying lip-service to the nationalist calls for "purification, " Belgrade officials adopted a compromise position that satisfied both economic rationalists who argued that Serbia needed these people and those who wanted to separate «Albanians» from «Serbs.» Instead of returning back to their «mixed» villages and towns of the previous Ottoman era, these "Albanians, " "Pomaks, « and „Turks“ were encouraged to move into concentrated clusters of villages in Masurica, and Gornja Jablanica that the Serbian state set up for them. For this „repatriation“ to work, however, authorities needed the cooperation of local leaders to help persuade members of their community who were refugees in Ottoman territories to „return.“ In this regard, the collaboration between Shahid Pasha and the Serbian regime stands out. An Albanian who commanded the Sofia barracks during the war, Shahid Pasha negotiated directly with the future king of Serbia, Prince Milan Obrenović, to secure the safety of those returnees who would settle in the many villages of Gornja Jablanica. To help facilitate such collaborative ventures, laws were needed that would guarantee the safety of these communities likely to be targeted by the rising nationalist elements infiltrating the Serbian army at the time. Indeed, throughout the 1880s, efforts were made to regulate the interaction between exiled Muslim landowners and those local and newly immigrant farmers working their lands. Furthermore, laws passed in early 1880 began a process of managing the resettlement of the region that accommodated those refugees who came from Austrian-controlled Herzegovina and from Bulgaria. Cooperation, in other words, was the preferred form of exchange within the borderland, not violent confrontation.».."Në kohët e sotme fshatra të Jabllanicës, të banuara kryesisht me shqiptare, janë këto: Tupalla, Kapiti, Gërbavci, Sfirca, Llapashtica e Epërrne. Ndërkaq, fshatra me popullsi te përzier me shqiptar, malazezë dhe serbë, jane këto: Stara Banja, Ramabanja, Banja e Sjarinës, Gjylekreshta (Gjylekari), Sijarina dhe qendra komunale Medvegja. Dy familje shqiptare ndeshen edhe në Iagjen e Marovicës, e quajtur Sinanovë, si dhe disa familje në vetë qendrën e Leskovcit. Vllasa është zyrtarisht lagje e fshatit Gërbavc, Dediqi, është lagje e Medvegjes dhe Dukati, lagje e Sijarinës. Në popull konsiderohen edhe si vendbanime të veçanta. Kështu qendron gjendja demografike e trevës në fjalë, përndryshe para Luftës se Dytë Botërore Sijarina dhe Gjylekari ishin fshatra me populisi të perzier, bile në këtë te fundit ishin shumë familje serbe, kurse tani shumicën e përbëjnë shqiptarët. [In contemporary times, villages in the Jablanica area, inhabited mainly by Albanians, are these: Tupale, Kapiti, Grbavce, Svirca, Gornje Lapaštica. Meanwhile, the mixed villages populated by Albanians, Montenegrins and Serbs, are these: Stara Banja, Ravna Banja, Sjarinska Banja, Đulekrešta (Đulekari) Sijarina and the municipal center Medveđa. Two Albanian families are also encountered in the neighborhood of Marovica called Sinanovo, and some families in the center of Leskovac. Vllasa is formally a neighborhood of the village Grbavce, Dedići is a neighborhood of Medveđa and Dukati, a neighborhood of Sijarina. So this is the demographic situation in question that remains, somewhat different before World War II as Sijarina and Đulekari were villages with mixed populations, even in this latter settlement were many Serb families, and now the majority is made up of Albanians.]". Сербы из долины реки Лаб в Косово перебрались в Сербию во время и после первого этапа военных действий в 1876 году, а албанские беженцы после 1878 года заселяли оставленные ими деревни. Албанские беженцы также оседали вдоль северо-восточной османо-сербской границы, в городских районах и в более чем 30 населённых пунктах, расположенных в центральной и юго-восточной части Косово.
Османские власти не могли в достаточной мере удовлетворить нужды прибывающих на их территории беженцев, которые враждебно относились к местному сербскому населению, совершая на него нападения из мести. Изгнание албанского населения в 1877—1878 годах осуществлялось такими методами, которые по нынешним меркам можно было бы квалифицировать как этнические чистки, поскольку жертвами насильственной депортации становились не только комбатанты, но и мирные жители. Эти албанские беженцы и их потомки стали именоваться в албанском языке «мухаджирами», в соответствии с общим обозначением мусульманских беженцев в османском языке, происходящим, в свою очередь, из арабского языка. События этого периода стали причиной возникновения албано-сербского конфликта и напряжённых отношений между этими народами.
Шкодринский санджак